Inevitably there would be rounding issues, and it might even be necessary to allow the total number of MPs to vary by plus or minus a few to make it work properly; but that is the only genuinely proportional system in the known Universe.
I have calculated what would have happened if parliamentary (Commons) seats had been allocated on the basis of proportion of votes cast earlier this month. I cannot allow for tactical voting, but it would probably have more-or-less cancelled out over the nation as a whole. Most of it was anti-Conservative anyway...
The table below shows how things went, and also would have gone under this system...
The two end columns show that there is indeed a significant disparity between numbers of votes cast and seats, especially with the top three parties, but also with some of the smaller parties; and how many seats each would have had under my truly proportional scheme. Note that the one outstanding result has been left out of these calculations, but is unlikely to have more than a trivial effect on the national picture anyway.As one can see, the outcome would have been even less decisive (to quite a degree!) and the BNP would have had twelve seats. UKIP (the do-nothing party) would have had twenty seats, the English Democrats one, Respect-Unity one as well, and the
As discussed before, such a system completely breaks the existing MP-constituency link (there wouldn't be any more constituencies, in fact, only polling and vote-counting districts) so it would be a completely different set-up.
Of course, huge multi-member constituencies, as propounded by those in favour of the half-way house AV and STV methodologies, are almost the same anyway (and don't be fooled by anyone who claims otherwise, especially as political opponents sharing any electoral area work against each other, not with each other, as experience shows) and are neither fully one thing nor the other.
What the electorate needs to decide, one of these days, is which is more important: proportionality or local representation. Also, is a half-way house (of one form or another) of any worh, or is it just a form of tokenism with its own fudges (e.g. "second preferences")?
I cannot answer this definitively. All I can do is present the evidence or what could happen, express my own views (as I have previously) and let the nation as a whole ponder the alternatives.
Very interesting John, although not all parties contest every seat in the UK eg Plaid, SNP UUP. I live in Monmouthshire and had no English Democrat candidate.
ReplyDeletePutting up a full slate of candidates can be difficult for smaller parties, and doesn't really apply (as you say) with the nationalist parties anyway.
ReplyDeleteUnder the scheme I have outlined, that wouldn't matter provided there were enough candidates on the party lists to cover all the seats they were realistically going to be able to have allocated.
As it wouldn't be done by constituencies, all it needs is for every ballot paper in the land to be identical, and include every party or Independent who is standing in the election.
Personally, I don't like this method, but if people prefer proportionality to link to a specific area, then this is the only system that genuinely meets that criterion.
AV + is my preferred option. A person can then still stand in an election, in a ward and win if the person/people believe in them or an issue. Under PR that goes out of the window. As soon as we just have a list of career politicians paid and bought for by parties and their funders then democracy truly has died.
ReplyDeleteThat is a very mixed system, seemingly trying to be all things to all people/opinions. Sadly, in the end, it turns out to be little of anything.
ReplyDeleteHowever, it has at least been an interesting exercise in how to at least give the appearance of appealing to each electoral lobby group, giving something to everyone in a mish-mash system that is so obviously contrived that it ends up being of little real value.
We have seen in practice how additional "list members" have been added to (for example) the Greater London Authority. No-one apart from political geeks has any idea who those additional members are, or how they came to be there.
It really isn't a good basis for even just one element of an electoral methodology.